The mother of Neda Agha Soltan, whose death turned her into an icon of the Iranian opposition movement, has publicly spurned the Islamic Republic's offer to buy her off.
Hajar Rostami Motlagh told the Voice of America on Sunday that 'Neda died for her country, not so that I could get a monthly income,' amid reports that the Martyr Foundation was offering compensation for the slain young woman if it was proven that she had been the victim of a 'plot by opponents and enemies' of the regime. Any acceptance of said funds by Neda's family would constitute a confirmation of the government's official scenario.
'If it is proven that Neda Agha Soltan was killed as the result of a plot hatched by enemies, and the proper security bodies confirm this, she will be covered by the Martyr Foundation,' said Massoud Zaribafan, head of the Martyr and Veterans' Affairs Foundation, in an exclusive interview with the Iranian Labor News Agency on Saturday.
'The footage shows that Neda Agha Soltan was murdered as a result of a plot by opponents and enemies,' said Zaribafan at a veterans' affairs conference, before conceding that the Martyr Foundation does not have an investigative arm. 'The Intelligence Ministry and other bodies which can discover the truth must tell us what happened.' Neda's family would have to be covered by the Martyr Foundation to compensate for its damages if the existence of a plot was proven, Zaribafan added.
'If these officials are saying that Neda was a martyr, why do they keep wiping off the word "martyr" that the people write in red on her gravestone?' countered Neda's mother in a telephone interview broadcast on VOA. 'Neda died like Sohrab and Ashkan and the other kids,' she said, naming Sohrab Aarabi and Ashkan Sohrabi, two other young protesters who were killed by security forces during the post-election unrest. 'However the other kids were killed, my Neda was killed the same way. There was no plot.'
Neda's mother forcefully rejected any compensation from the government, saying, 'I just want the killer to be found and brought to justice.' (NB The translation of the interview with Neda's mother is available at the end of this article)
This is only the latest episode in a string of bumbling efforts by the Iranian regime to divert attention from the most famous victim of its crackdown following the disputed election of June 12. Neda was shot on the street on June 20, one of the bloodiest days for protesters in Tehran.
The government's reaction was telling. A manhunt was launched for one of the key eyewitnesses of the killing, Dr. Arash Hejazi, who managed to escape to London where he divulged that the alleged murderer had been caught by protesters and released after they took away his identity cards. ID cards belonging to a Basij militiaman have been posted on the Internet and Hejazi has said that the photo corresponds to the man he saw the protesters capture, although he did not see the actual shooting. Out of respect for the presumption of innocence, this blog will not publish the photos or the name of the individual.
The regime initially blamed the BBC's correspondent Jonathan Leyne for orchestrating the murder of Neda for a documentary he was making. Neda's fiance, Caspian Makan, was arrested on June 26 and reportedly released on bail in September.
More recently, when confronted by NBC's Katie Couric with a photo of Neda, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad whipped out his own photo... of Marwa Ali Sherbini, a head-scarved Egyptian woman who had been stabbed to death by a racist lunatic in a German courthouse. Ahmadinejad has claimed that Neda was shot by agents of the Mujahedin Khalgh Organization (MKO), an armed resistance movement which is broadly discredited in Iran because of its cooperation with the Saddam government during the Iran-Iraq War.
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Translation of the VOA interview with Neda's mother
Hajar Rostami Motlagh, Neda's mother:
I heard about this yesterday, when one of the domestic dailies called me. Then I read about it in another newspaper today. But under no condition... in any case, it's not true that my daughter was the victim of a plot. I will never accept to be covered by the Martyr Foundation. Neda died for her country, not so that I could get a monthly income. If these officials are saying that Neda was a martyr, why do they keep wiping off the word 'martyr' that the people write in red on her gravestone?
Payam Yazdian:
Massoud Zaribafan, the head of the Martyr Foundation, said yesterday that the footage of Neda's death shows that she was the victim of a plot hatched by opponents and enemies. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has told foreign media that Neda's death was suspicious. What do you think?
Hajar Rostami Motlagh:
No, Neda died like Sohrab and Ashkan and the other kids. However the other kids were killed, my Neda was killed the same way. There was no plot. Neda escaped and ran into the street to get into the car and she was felled by a bullet 26 meters, 26 steps, from the car.
Payam Yazdian:
In any case, they've said that you will be covered by the Martyr Foundation to compensate for the damages. They refer to Neda's death as 'damages.'
Hajar Rostami Motlagh:
Mr. Yazdian, if they give me the world, I will never accept. The world can't even equal a hair on Neda's head. I can't accept such a thing. Neda's gone and nothing, not money or monthly income, nothing can compensate for it. I just want the killer to be found and brought to justice. The important thing is that my Neda has found honor before God, and the people of Iran and the world. That's the important thing for me. To have her registered as a martyr somewhere means nothing to me. I will never do such a thing. I will never be convinced to have Neda's name registered somewhere as a martyr. She was martyred before God and the people, and that's enough for me.
(All articles on this blog may be reproduced for non-commercial use. Proper credit would be appreciated.)
The green movement has released opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi's first Internet interview. The video was first posted on Sunday, 18 October 2009, although it has only been widely published in opposition news sites on Monday. No additional information has been offered.
Sitting before a stark background, in line with his own austere and at at times stilted manner of speaking, Mousavi's interview was measured and hardly rousing. The encounter underlined the opposition figure's strengths -- his analytical prowess, his unflinching courage in the face of threats, and his deep understanding of popular movements -- and his weaknesses -- a lack of charisma, his reluctance to engage in frontal attacks, and a sense that he is almost an 'accidental leader.'
He alluded to this last point halfway through the interview, when he began a sentence with 'We have started a great movement' before correcting himself and continuing, 'Our nation has started a great movement and we are accompanying it. God willing, we will remain on the same course as the people.' Mousavi has exhibited none of the 'mano a mano' grit of Etemad Melli party leader Mehdi Karroubi, nor the sheer popularity of former President Mohammad Khatami, bringing into focus the roles played by each of the members of the opposition triumvirate.
Mousavi made the astonishing claim that he has not engaged in any talks with political figures aimed at resolving the crisis through 'national unity.' If true, this could indicate a strategic rebuttal of Hashemi Rafsanjani's 'eminence grise' brand of politics. Mousavi clearly states that nothing short of respecting the people's sovereignty and their constitutional rights can lead to a resolution of the crisis. And despite threats of prosecution for treason, he still maintains that a majority of the people voted for him, albeit in subtle terms: '[...] As long as the majority of the people are called rioters [...] there will be no solution for the current problem.'
The following is a translation of the full interview:
Interviewer:
In the name of God, most gracious and most compassionate.
It has been some time since people have seen your face. That is why, when we were granted an opportunity to interview you, many friends encouraged us to conduct it in this manner to overcome that shortcoming.We thank you for this opportunity. This interview will be distributed by Internet and because of the technical limitations of this media, we will restrict ourselves to two issues. We hope that we will be able to meet again at a future date to discuss questions put to us by those interested in the Green Movement.
In the past weeks, there has been talk of national unity. What is this about? Have there been any particular talks? Please inform the people about these. (NB In recent weeks there have been rumors of backroom politicking with the aim of resolving the crisis through some sort of general agreement between various political factions.)
Mir Hossein Mousavi:
In the name of God, most gracious and most compassionate.
This is my first Internet interview. I send my greetings to all the dear people who are seeing my face. Of course, many photos of me have been published, something which irks me. But I'll try to get used to this. This is another such circumstance and I'll try to take advantage of it to say a few words.
Concerning your question, this expression [of national unity] has been used in different ways by the media and it is worth separating the various interpretations.
In my discussions with Majlis representatives -- members of the minority faction whom I met -- I spoke of national unity. I was referring to a common will and sentiment, highlighted during the elections and based on our strong civilizational heritage, our common national interests, and a vision of future progress. The issue of national unity had particular significance within that framework. We witnessed a certain passion developing in the country.
This capital must be preserved and nurtured, despite everything that occurred after the election. National unity is extremely important to us and it must be a foundation for all of us. Unity between all walks of life exists here... between the general public, intellectuals, students, various ethnic groups, cultural groups...
That green human chain which linked Tajrish to Rah Ahan Square just before the election was one of the best symbols of this. (NB On June 8, 2009, Mousavi's supporters formed a human chain that stretched almost 20 km across Tehran, from Tajrish in the north to Rah Ahan or Railway Square in the south.) People from all walks of life participated and it sent tremors throughout our country. It was also the basis for the idea of the Green Path of Hope (NB The opposition's coalition movement).
But the notion of national unity has been employed in other contexts. After the problems and events which wracked the country, some people with various intentions, some good, explored the possibility of abating the tension and crisis through discussions between political figures. Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani (NB Head of the Expediency Council and the Assembly of Experts) presented one plan, then there was talk of ideas put forth by Ayatollah [Mohammad Reza] Mahdavi Kani (NB Head of the conservative Combatant Clergy Association, not to be mistaken for the reformist Association of Combatant Clerics)... Various people have spoken about this topic.
I have not made any comments in relation to this interpretation [of national unity]. But given the debate and rumors that have been sparked, I'm going to recount one of my memories concerning the Imam (NB Islamic Republic founder Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini). My actions are based upon a point in this story.
When the McFarlane crisis came about, the people did not know that McFarlane had come to Iran and they were unaware of what had occurred... his secret visit to Iran and so forth. (NB Robert McFarlane was President Ronald Reagan's National Security Adviser from 1983 to 1985, and played a central role in the Iran-Contra scandal. In 1986, as a secret envoy, he delivered one planeload of weapons to Iran, but canceled a second shipment after hostages in Lebanon were not released. Lebanese weekly Al Shiraa published an account of the secret Iran-Contra dealings shortly thereafter. Mousavi was prime Minister at the time.) This issue was first revealed in a Syrian newspaper. In a meeting between the heads of the three branches of government, it was said that this news would spread to Iran and, given the people's sensitivity about the United States and any talks with the United States, this would provoke a crisis.
The heads of the three branches -- me among them -- went to see the Imam. When we explained the situation and what had transpired, who this individual was and his comings and goings, and we said that a Lebanese or Syrian newspaper had published details which would eventually reach Iran, the Imam said, Go and tell the people, the people must be informed. When we got up to leave, he said something which has remained in mind as a golden and important phrase ever since. He said, Never do something which you will not be able to explain to the people.
This has remained in my mind. That is why, if there are talks or meetings or some issue, as a companion in this massive movement, I will inform the people and there will not be anything that I will not be able to defend.
Given the deficiency of the country's media outlets which lunge at our Green Path and act against it, and the fact that we have no official outlets and all of our outlets and our ability to communicate have been restricted, it is worthwhile for the people to exercise caution when obtaining news related to this or other topics. They should pay attention to the source and its affiliations and its intentions. This will help us progress in an environment based on wisdom and our values.
Interviewer:
Do you want to inform the people of any contacts, meetings, or talks?
Mir Hossein Mousavi:
No, there haven't been any such talks. I am of course aware of the proposals that Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani made at Friday Prayers (NB On July 17) and also the proposals that some members of the Expediency Council made to him. And I'm also aware, through the media, of other remarks made by individuals like Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, or others with good intentions. But no direct contacts have been made with me in this respect. No correspondence or official meetings.
Interviewer:
In your 13th statement, you said that our political and social achievements must be a part of our lives, not just our struggles, because struggles come to an end, and when they do, these values are sidelined. Your phrase was, 'The Green Path of Hope must be lived.' The comment is thought-provoking but it may befuddle some people. What did you mean by it?
Mir Hossein Mousavi:
We have started a great movement... our nation has started a great movement and we are accompanying it. God willing, we will remain on the same course as the people. At the beginning of these events which took place in the country, there was a debate on how we should respond and move forward in order to utilize and advance the great achievements of the election and the Islamic revolution. There was talk of a party, a front, various groups... a political struggle. We thought that this would not help us realize our goals, that it did not correspond to our experience of the election, those experiences that we went through together.
In this election, we saw various political, religious, artistic, cultural families... people, wherever they were, contributed and became a part of this movement in their own manner. That was an illustration of what we called, 'Every individual, a campaign staff.' This movement derives its strength from this, not from some political party. This doesn't mean that political parties were not and cannot be effective. No, they have their own critical importance. It is crucial for political parties to continue their work.
But in order to advance on this path and reach our goals, which are a developed Iran in which the people's rights are respected, we determined that our actions must be pursued on a much broader level, given the experiences of the election. And that is what happened and what was announced.
Within this context, it is not important how much and in what manner each person helps the movement. The important thing is to establish a general purpose and will throughout the country -- from within a family or on an individual level, all the way up to political parties. Everyone must be able to contribute to this great movement through their actions and way of life.
I've always believed that any virtuous individual, an old woman, an old man, a person with no possibility of engaging in such activities... we should consider even a prayer that such a person says in their home as a form of activism, which can extend all the way to the structured groups which exist.
Today, we are witnessing an extraordinary blossoming of artistic activity which has no relation to political parties, but is a part of an extended social network. The books, songs, paintings, caricatures that have been created in this recent period are unprecedented. In reality, they define the voice of this great wave and guide it. This has not been done within a political party. Small groups of artists or individual artists within or outside the country have helped the movement in this manner. In the same way, religious groups, charitable organizations, and others have contributed.
Struggle has become an inexorable way of life. It cannot be stopped. And for this reason, it is an invulnerable movement -- a movement whose direction is tweaked in a climate of dialogue. In that respect, media outlets are incredibly important and the people who toil within digital media must be commended here. In circumstances in which we have no means, I recommend that greater attention be paid to such tools. This is a miracle that we have witnessed during and after the election. Given our current situation, we must use these tools. Such outlets allow us to connect individuals in order to create a massive, broad, and enduring movement.
One of the reasons for the durability of this movement is that it does not belong to any one group. It is a movement which is enmeshed with the goals, aspirations, and lives of the people. We don't want to say that this is the definitive interpretation of the Koranic verse, 'Place your homes as the qibla' (NB Direction of prayer, the Kaaba in Mecca), but it has inspired us. The people have allowed this movement to endure by turning to their vast social networks of individuals and small groups, in many of which we have a stake.
I think that clarifies the issue for you.
Interviewer:
I hope that we will have further opportunities to be with you and ask more questions--
Mir Hossein Mousavi:
I want to add one last point. I don't know whether we have enough time or not.
It is a sensitive point concerning your first question. As long as it is not accepted that there is a crisis and a problem in the country, as long as the majority of the people are called rioters, as long as the people are not taken into consideration, as long as the people's right to determine their own future is not respected, there will be no solution for the current problem. In the context of the second definition of national unity that we discussed and the actions of some individuals and groups on a political level to resolve the crisis, I believe that it must be ensured that the steps which are taken do not insult the people. The people are together, even those who have other opinions. We are the ones who create rifts among the people. Anyone who enters the scene must respect all the people and all of their views. We must return to the constitution and the principle of the sovereignty of the people. Then the solution to the crisis can be found quite easily.
(All articles on this blog may be reproduced for non-commercial use. Proper credit would be appreciated.)
An opposition news site reported today that it had identified the four sources of the most recent attack on its servers.
Norooz, the news site of the Islamic Iran Participation Front and the only information outlet of this opposition party, has been the target of three major Internet attacks since the disputed election of June 12. Low-level and constant assaults on the site's servers have been a daily nuisance. The regime has also employed more traditional methods, from the arrest of its technical staff to threats against its directors, to halt the news service.
According to Norooz, following foiled attempts which used fake IPs, the latest digital onslaught allowed the opposition site to identify the sources of the attacks.
'It is impossible to say, given the current information, whether these attacks are occurring with the knowledge and cooperation of these organizations' directors,' Norooz admitted. 'But according to international Internet regulations, these organizations are responsible for the way their Internet addresses are used.'
Norooz published the names of those within the organizations who are responsible for respecting international Internet regulations, stressing that this information is in the public domain. The news service warned the individuals and their organizations to quickly bring an end to the attacks on its site and 'other sites of the Green Movement.' Norooz said that it reserved the right to file complaints with international bodies.
The opposition site was the object of such attacks even before the disputed presidential election. In early Novermber, 2007, Norooz was inaccessible for a week and its technical director told Emrouz that it had been hacked.
(All articles on this blog may be reproduced for non-commercial use. Proper credit would be appreciated.)
A notorious judge has been dismissed and his department has been merged into the Revolutionary Court.
The departure of Judge Hassan Haddad, deputy prosecutor for security affairs, was announced by Hossein Lotfi, the new presiding judge of the Revolutionary Court, last week as he took over the reigns from Hojjatoleslam Assadollah Mobasheri.
Hassan Haddad had long been one of the key repressive tools of the regime within the judiciary. Shunning the limelight (the photo to the right is one of the rare ones of him and was released by the group Human Rights Activists of Iran), Haddad has tried to remain an enigmatic and behind-the-scenes figure. Even the name he has used for years is an alias. His real name is Hassan Zareh Dehnavi.
An interrogator/torturer in Evin prison in the 1980s, he was relieved of his functions in 1989 for 'financial misconduct' and 'questionable relations with several prisoners.' This did not prevent officials from transferring him to the Enforcement Staff of the Imam's Decree, a financial behemoth fronting as a foundation, as an inspector of confiscated property.
In the late 1990s, he became head of the 26th branch of the Revolutionary Court, in charge of trying drug and antiquities traffickers. He was given more sensitive cases, for example that of dissident journalist Akbar Ganji, towards the end of that decade. He was named deputy prosecutor for security affairs in 2006.
Most recently, he has been involved in the prosecution of seven Baha'is who face the death penalty on charges of spying for Israel. He is held responsible for the death in custody of Iranian-Canadian photographer Zahra Kazemi. He was involved in the prosecution of journalist Roxana Saberi, researcher Haleh Esfandiari, and Kian Tajbakhsh. Other cases that he directed include those against student leaders Ali Nikounesbati and Ali Azizi, striking workers of the Tehran transit company including the union's leader Mansour Osanlou, and newspaper editor Heshmatollah Tabarzadi.
As deputy prosecutor for security affairs, Haddad handled 'national security' cases, a catchall phrase used to prosecute anyone considered a threat to the regime. 'National security' cases, known as political cases in most of the world, fall under the jurisdiction of the Revolutionary Court.
Revolutionary Court Presiding Judge Hossein Lotfi had not announced Haddad's successor last week, an omission which had puzzled observers. However, newly-appointed Tehran Prosecutor Jafari Dolatabadi said at a ceremony yesterday that the deputy prosecutor for security affairs' office would be merged into the General and Revolutionary Prosecutor's Office.
Hadded had been the deputy of another hated judicial figure, former Tehran Prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi, who was also recently dismissed. Mortazavi however was reassigned as Deputy Prosecutor General, a relative promotion which many analysts viewed as a way to sideline him at a desk job with no influence over the prosecution of defendants. Judge Haddad's new functions have not been declared.
The regime has replaced many figures linked to the recent crackdown and the repression of the past decade. But the steps appear to be cosmetic and have not affected the repressive tilt of the Islamic Republic. If anything, the moves seem to be geared towards streamlining the regime. For example, Basij commander Hassan Taeb was recently moved from the command of the Basij forces to that of the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) intelligence unit, which many analysts believe is fast replacing the civilian- and Majlis-controlled Intelligence Ministry as the country's most powerful security body. Taeb was subsequently replaced at the Basij by IRGC General Mohammad Reza Naghdi, no less of a zealot than Taeb, but with the advantage of being relatively unknown to the general public. The Basij has now been merged into the ground forces of the IRGC.
The changes at the Revolutionary Court notwithstanding, protesters continue to be sentenced to death, the execution of juvenile offenders are railroaded through the judiciary, and dozens of political prisoners still languish in prison without access to their lawyers. And this week, Prosecutor General Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei even went so far as to say in an interview that opposition leaders Mehdi Karroubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi would soon be brought to justice.
Rooz online published an interview with prominent human rights lawyer and jurist Nasrin Sotoudeh on Thursday. Sotoudeh has represented numerous women's rights activists for the Campaign for One Million Signatures, which seeks to abrogate gender-discriminatory laws in Iran. She has also been a tireless defender of children's rights and juvenile offenders sentenced to death. Arash Rahmanipour, one of the defendants in the regime's show trials, is her client and it is believed that he has been sentenced to hang. Fereshteh Ghazi conducted this interview. The following is a translation of the full article:
While a fifth death sentence has reportedly been delivered to a defendant in the second session of the show trials of post-election protesters, these verdicts have yet to be conveyed to some defendants and their families.
We spoke to Nasrin Sotoudeh, Arash Rahmanipour's lawyer, about this situation. While confirming that no order for capital punishment has been communicated to her client, she said, 'The court-appointed lawyer told Arash's father that such a ruling has been issued.'
Dr. Mohammad Seifzadeh, Hamed Rouhinejad's lawyer, had previously announced that no official death sentence had been conveyed to his client.
The interview with Nasrin Sotoudeh follows.
Nasrin Sotoudeh, Arash Rahmanipour's lawyer, told Rouz that Mr. Rahmanipour's court-appointed lawyer has given news of his death sentence, but that the ruling which has apparently been issued to the court-appointed lawyer has yet to be shown to Mr. Rahmanipour or his family.
She added: 'My client's name was not among those released by the head of public relations for Tehran's judiciary, but we believe that the person identified as 'A.P.' is my client. (NB Over the weekend, the Iranian Students News Agency released an article quoting judiciary sources who spoke of three death sentences handed out to 'M.Z., A.P., and N.A.') The court-appointed lawyer told Arash's father that Arash's death sentence has been issued. My client has yet to receive such a ruling.'
'Despite numerous applications by me and Arash's family, the court has refused to recognize my power of attorney,' said Sotoudeh. 'There are shocking facts in Mr. Rahmanipour's case file. He was arrested in the first month of the Iranian year (NB March 21 - April 20), and he has nothing to do with the election or the post-election events. They tried to create fear when he was arrested and even arrested his pregnant sister. She was released after several days, but she unfortunately lost her child.'
She added, 'On the day of the show trial, his father met with Arash and told him that I had accepted to represent him. He asked his son to request an adjournment from the court so I could study his case. But as soon as he said this, six security officers approached him and said, Either you get your son to confess right now, or we'll arrest you too.'
According to this jurist, her client admitted to acts he had not committed after he was promised leniency if he confessed and cooperated with the agents.
'The harrassment and arrest of various members of my client's family, confessions to acts which were not committed, and the way his sister was treated, are an indication of the kind of pressure exerted on Arash Rahmanipour who is only 19,' Sotoudeh said.
Sotoudeh said that her client is accused of having links to the Royalist Organization (NB The Anjomaneh Padeshahi, based in the United States). She added, 'Mr. Rahmanipour has had no operational activity within this organization.'
Sotoudeh said that the judge has refused to release two of her other clients, Issa Saharkhiz and Atefeh Nabavi, on bail. (NB Journalist Issa Saharkhiz was arrested on July 4, 2009. Atefeh Nabavi is an activist in the field of education. She was arrested on June 15, 2009.)
The Secrets of Khamenei's Life The secret life of Iran's Leader, Ali Khamanei, is exposed by former staff members of the Intelligence Ministry and his household in a fascinating article by internationally renowned filmmaker Mohsen Makhmalbaf... (part 1)(part 2)(part 3) Humiliation even in death Detailed analysis of several videos shows the final moments of a protester run over by a car and the refusal of her body by a medical center... (more)
The banality of evil Shocking footage of a man being lashed in Iran reminds the viewer of what Hannah Arendt called the banality of evil... (more) Provisional list of 72 dead protesters Originally compiled by the opposition committee looking into the abuse and deaths of protesters, the list has been enhanced with photos, video footage, and commentary... (more)
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