Former President Khatami prevented from traveling to Japan, say opposition legislators

Former reformist President Mohammad Khatami was prevented from traveling to a nuclear disarmament conference in Hiroshima, Japan, on Thursday, April 15, 2010, according to Parleman News, the news site of the Imam Line Faction of the Majlis.

Parleman News cited an 'informed source' as saying, 'This evening (Thursday), Seyed Mohammad Khatami was supposed to travel to Hiroshima, Japan, to attend the annual conference on nuclear disarmament.' But, according to the source, Khatami was banned from traveling abroad.

It is unclear from this article whether the alleged measure against the former president was taken at Tehran's Imam Khomeini Airport as he was preparing to leave the country or whether Khatami was informed of the travel ban before embarking on the visit. But Serajeddin Mirdamadi, a reformist journalist who is generally considered reliable, told Radio Farda today that according to information he had managed to obtain, the Islamic Republic's Foreign Ministry informed Khatami of the ban before the trip and that Khatami's office had been unable to get an explanation despite repeated requests to the ministry.

Ghodratollah Alikhani, an outspoken reformist member of the Majlis, said on Friday, April 16, that Khatami was not under any travel restrictions, but that 'because of some interests which have been determined in some circles, Mr. Khatami was respectfully asked not to participate in this conference.'

Neither Khatami's personal site, nor those of his two foundations, the Baran Foundation and the International Institute for Dialogue Among Cultures and Civilizations, commented on the news related by Parleman News. (Khatami's personal site does however deny another report in regime-affiliated outlets, according to which he recently met Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani and discussed opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi's shortcomings.)

The news about the travel ban could have been planted by one of the Islamic Republic's intelligence services which regularly employ disinformation as a tool of psychological warfare. Khatami, who along with Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi is considered one of the leaders of the opposition, could be the target of a campaign to belittle and insult him.

In early March, the semi-official Fars News Agency, close to the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, reported that a travel ban had been imposed on Khatami. The report was subsequently denied by Khatami's lawyer, Mahmoud Alizadeh Tabatabie. (For the March report on this blog, please click here) The next day, on March 10, Javan newspaper, close to the regime, accused Khatami of wearing a suit instead of clerical garb in his new passport photograph. (For this blog's report, please click here).

But media outlets close to the regime are also good barometers of things to come. Analysts read newspapers like Keyhan, run by Leader Ali Khamanei's representative Hossein Shariatmadari, on a daily basis to glean not only what is happening in the backrooms of power, but also to determine the marching orders of the regime's various bodies.

Fars news and other news sources close to the government have been strangely silent about this alleged development. It would have been expected that they would at least gloat. Consequently the silence appears orchestrated. Khabar online, purported by some to be close to Majlis Speaker and Ahmadinejad rival Ali Larijani, posted a piece on the alleged travel ban without citing Parleman News.

Were the March stories simply attempts to humiliate Khatami and take away some of his presidential aura or were they trial balloons, hoisted to see the reaction of the body politic and also to herald things to come?

Alireza Nourizadeh, director of the Center for Arab and Iranian Studies, in London, told the Voice of America that he believed Khatami was already under a travel ban at the time of the Fars report, but that he had denied the news to save face and not rock the boat. This time, however, Nourizadeh said, Khatami was officially invited to the conference in Japan and was unable to issue a credible denial.

The veracity of the Parleman News report cannot be confirmed.

This blog was unable to find a nuclear disarmament conference taking place in Hiroshima until reader Wiitekr pointed out that the InterAction Council will be holding its 28th annual meeting in that city from April 18 to 20. (For the press release, please click here)

Whatever the truth -- the Khatami camp will have to issue a denial or confirmation in time -- this is the first instance that a news source which is not close to the regime has reported that such an unprecedented step has been taken against the popular former president.

Mehdi Karroubi's video message following attack at the press fair

Opposition leader Mehdi Karroubi visited the Tehran Press Fair on Friday afternoon. After being loudly acclaimed by a large group of supporters, he was attacked as he left the exhibition hall. For footage and a report on the attack, please go here. Karroubi released this video message concerning those events yesterday. He appears unfazed and, despite reports that he was injured by a projectile on Friday, his forehead bears no marks. A translation of the message follows the footage.



Mehdi Karroubi:

In the name of God, most gracious, most merciful.

Three points must be stressed concerning the events that took place at the press fair last Friday: One has to do with the circumstances, another with the motives, and the last with myself.

As for the circumstances... I have always gone to exhibitions and continue to do so. This time when I visited, on the one hand the people generously expressed their kindness and I would even turn around and ask them not to chant slogans, and on the other, a few individuals began - and they're the ones who started it - saying 'Death to the hypocrite,' trying to provoke the people. The great mass of the people was standing and chanting, and the other individuals chanted too, and then we left the exhibition after a while. But on the way out, and this is the scheme that certain individuals had planned, they guided us in a direction through which the people behind us could not freely follow us, and in this manner they became a bit more radical.

The second point is about the motives. This is not the first time. During my visit to Masoumeh's shrine on the occasion of Imam Sadegh's martyrdom... Wherever I go, such actions are becoming commonplace. Fortunately, the people are responding spontaneously. Their intention is to prevent me from attending gatherings and to isolate me, in the same way that They closed the offices of the party and [inaudible]. (NB The offices of Karroubi's political party, the Etemad Melli Party, and his newspaper, Etemad Melli, were shut down in early September. For a report, please go here.) They want me to sit at home and not venture outside. So they're taking these steps to prevent me from going outside.

The third point that I want to mention is that I'm amazed that they're carrying out these measures with respect to me. I'm not new to these actions and I haven't started making these types of comments recently. In 1989, after the death of Imam Khomeini, I clashed with the 3rd Majlis, I denounced the deviation of the Assembly of Experts... In all those cases, I maintained a clear position, I constantly spoke out, and I went through difficult situations. Even back then, many of my friends were summoned daily to the Special Clergy Court or normal courts. I stood strong and endured those hardships. (NB Karroubi is cutting to the heart of the Islamic regime's identity and the notion of velayateh faghih - guardianship of the jurisprudent - from which the Supreme Leader derives power. As Karroubi mentions, this philosophical point has bedeviled the regime since the death of Khomeini: What is the exact role of the Assembly of Experts and, consequently, how much unquestioned power does the supreme leader wield? Hardliners believe that the Assembly of Experts should not exercise any oversight over the supreme leader and that it does not so much elect as reveal the person who becomes the supreme leader.)

On top of which, in those days, I was isolated and the people were not aware of the issue of oversight and the Assembly of Experts... But today, the people are standing as one, or at least a majority of the people are and they have a position and are standing firm.

In such circumstances, I shall be present on any stage... Be it a demonstration, the commemoration of the 22nd of Bahman (NB Date of the victory of the revolution, February 11, 1979), or Ashura (NB Religious holiday marking the martyrdom of Hossein). Whatever the day, whatever the place, we shall be present. But we're going to take an additional step. Previously, we wouldn't tell our friends where we'd be going and other details. Now we announce it, though we may be the object of our friends' criticisms. We will not retreat. Keeping in mind our pact with the Imam and the people, we remain loyal to the Islamic Republic and the constitution. We are standing firm on this path, with God's blessing, and we fear nothing.

God willing, we shall see who has remained true and who has not. In appropriate conditions, when either both factions are in power or neither one is, we shall see who has to repent and who does not need to. When you have one faction in power and the other faction has nothing at all, they can talk about repentance as much as they want. Those who need to repent are the traitors to the Islamic Republic who have deviated it, who have emptied it of its Islamic nature and destroyed its republican identity, and left nothing but its name.

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Opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi's first Internet interview - 18 October 2009

The green movement has released opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi's first Internet interview. The video was first posted on Sunday, 18 October 2009, although it has only been widely published in opposition news sites on Monday. No additional information has been offered.

Sitting before a stark background, in line with his own austere and at at times stilted manner of speaking, Mousavi's interview was measured and hardly rousing. The encounter underlined the opposition figure's  strengths -- his analytical prowess, his unflinching courage in the face of threats, and his deep understanding of popular movements -- and his weaknesses -- a lack of charisma, his reluctance to engage in frontal attacks, and a sense that he is almost an 'accidental leader.'

He alluded to this last point halfway through the interview, when he began a sentence with 'We have started a great movement' before correcting himself and continuing, 'Our nation has started a great movement and we are accompanying it. God willing, we will remain on the same course as the people.' Mousavi has exhibited none of the 'mano a mano' grit of Etemad Melli party leader Mehdi Karroubi, nor the sheer popularity of former President Mohammad Khatami, bringing into focus the roles played by each of the members of the opposition triumvirate.

Mousavi made the astonishing claim that he has not engaged in any talks with political figures aimed at resolving the crisis through 'national unity.' If true, this could indicate a strategic rebuttal of Hashemi Rafsanjani's 'eminence grise' brand of politics. Mousavi clearly states that nothing short of respecting the people's sovereignty and their constitutional rights can lead to a resolution of the crisis. And despite threats of prosecution for treason, he still maintains that a majority of the people voted for him, albeit in subtle terms: '[...] As long as the majority of the people are called rioters [...] there will be no solution for the current problem.'

The following is a translation of the full interview:



Interviewer:
In the name of God, most gracious and most compassionate.

It has been some time since people have seen your face. That is why, when we were granted an opportunity to interview you, many friends encouraged us to conduct it in this manner to overcome that shortcoming.We thank you for this opportunity. This interview will be distributed by Internet and because of the technical limitations of this media, we will restrict ourselves to two issues. We hope that we will be able to meet again at a future date to discuss questions put to us by those interested in the Green Movement.

In the past weeks, there has been talk of national unity. What is this about? Have there been any particular talks? Please inform the people about these. (NB In recent weeks there have been rumors of backroom politicking with the aim of resolving the crisis through some sort of general agreement between various political factions.)

Mir Hossein Mousavi:
In the name of God, most gracious and most compassionate.

This is my first Internet interview. I send my greetings to all the dear people who are seeing my face. Of course, many photos of me have been published, something which irks me. But I'll try to get used to this. This is another such circumstance and I'll try to take advantage of it to say a few words.

Concerning your question, this expression [of national unity] has been used in different ways by the media and it is worth separating the various interpretations.

In my discussions with Majlis representatives -- members of the minority faction whom I met -- I spoke of national unity. I was referring to a common will and sentiment, highlighted during the elections and based on our strong civilizational heritage, our common national interests, and a vision of future progress. The issue of national unity had particular significance within that framework. We witnessed a certain passion developing in the country.

This capital must be preserved and nurtured, despite everything that occurred after the election. National unity is extremely important to us and it must be a foundation for all of us. Unity between all walks of life exists here... between the general public, intellectuals, students, various ethnic groups, cultural groups...

That green human chain which linked Tajrish to Rah Ahan Square just before the election was one of the best symbols of this. (NB On June 8, 2009, Mousavi's supporters formed a human chain that stretched almost 20 km across Tehran, from Tajrish in the north to Rah Ahan or Railway Square in the south.) People from all walks of life participated and it sent tremors throughout our country. It was also the basis for the idea of the Green Path of Hope (NB The opposition's coalition movement).

But the notion of national unity has been employed in other contexts. After the problems and events which wracked the country, some people with various intentions, some good, explored the possibility of abating the tension and crisis through discussions between political figures. Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani (NB Head of the Expediency Council and the Assembly of Experts) presented one plan, then there was talk of ideas put forth by Ayatollah [Mohammad Reza] Mahdavi Kani (NB Head of the conservative Combatant Clergy Association, not to be mistaken for the reformist Association of Combatant Clerics)... Various people have spoken about this topic.

I have not made any comments in relation to this interpretation [of national unity]. But given the debate and rumors that have been sparked, I'm going to recount one of my memories concerning the Imam (NB Islamic Republic founder Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini). My actions are based upon a point in this story.

When the McFarlane crisis came about, the people did not know that McFarlane had come to Iran and they were unaware of what had occurred... his secret visit to Iran and so forth. (NB Robert McFarlane was President Ronald Reagan's National Security Adviser from 1983 to 1985, and played a central role in the Iran-Contra scandal. In 1986, as a secret envoy, he delivered one planeload of weapons to Iran, but canceled a second shipment after hostages in Lebanon were not released. Lebanese weekly Al Shiraa published an account of the secret Iran-Contra dealings shortly thereafter. Mousavi was prime Minister at the time.) This issue was first revealed in a Syrian newspaper. In a meeting between the heads of the three branches of government, it was said that this news would spread to Iran and, given the people's sensitivity about the United States and any talks with the United States, this would provoke a crisis.

The heads of the three branches -- me among them -- went to see the Imam. When we explained the situation and what had transpired, who this individual was and his comings and goings, and we said that a Lebanese or Syrian newspaper had published details which would eventually reach Iran, the Imam said, Go and tell the people, the people must be informed. When we got up to leave, he said something which has remained in mind as a golden and important phrase ever since. He said, Never do something which you will not be able to explain to the people.

This has remained in my mind. That is why, if there are talks or meetings or some issue, as a companion in this massive movement, I will inform the people and there will not be anything that I will not be able to defend.

Given the deficiency of the country's media outlets which lunge at our Green Path and act against it, and the fact that we have no official outlets and all of our outlets and our ability to communicate have been restricted, it is worthwhile for the people to exercise caution when obtaining news related to this or other topics. They should pay attention to the source and its affiliations and its intentions. This will help us progress in an environment based on wisdom and our values.

Interviewer:
Do you want to inform the people of any contacts, meetings, or talks?

Mir Hossein Mousavi:
No, there haven't been any such talks. I am of course aware of the proposals that Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani made at Friday Prayers (NB On July 17) and also the proposals that some members of the Expediency Council made to him. And I'm also aware, through the media, of other remarks made by individuals like Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, or others with good intentions. But no direct contacts have been made with me in this respect. No correspondence or official meetings.

Interviewer:
In your 13th statement, you said that our political and social achievements must be a part of our lives, not just our struggles, because struggles come to an end, and when they do, these values are sidelined. Your phrase was, 'The Green Path of Hope must be lived.' The comment is thought-provoking but it may befuddle some people. What did you mean by it?

Mir Hossein Mousavi:
We have started a great movement... our nation has started a great movement and we are accompanying it. God willing, we will remain on the same course as the people. At the beginning of these events which took place in the country, there was a debate on how we should respond and move forward in order to utilize and advance the great achievements of the election and the Islamic revolution. There was talk of a party, a front, various groups... a political struggle. We thought that this would not help us realize our goals, that it did not correspond to our experience of the election, those experiences that we went through together.

In this election, we saw various political, religious, artistic, cultural families... people, wherever they were, contributed and became a part of this movement in their own manner. That was an illustration of what we called, 'Every individual, a campaign staff.' This movement derives its strength from this, not from some political party. This doesn't mean that political parties were not and cannot be effective. No, they have their own critical importance. It is crucial for political parties to continue their work.

But in order to advance on this path and reach our goals, which are a developed Iran in which the people's rights are respected, we determined that our actions must be pursued on a much broader level, given the experiences of the election. And that is what happened and what was announced.

Within this context, it is not important how much and in what manner each person helps the movement. The important thing is to establish a general purpose and will throughout the country -- from within a family or on an individual level, all the way up to political parties. Everyone must be able to contribute to this great movement through their actions and way of life.

I've always believed that any virtuous individual, an old woman, an old man, a person with no possibility of engaging in such activities... we should consider even a prayer that such a person says in their home as a form of activism, which can extend all the way to the structured groups which exist.

Today, we are witnessing an extraordinary blossoming of artistic activity which has no relation to political parties, but is a part of an extended social network. The books, songs, paintings, caricatures that have been created in this recent period are unprecedented. In reality, they define the voice of this great wave and guide it. This has not been done within a political party. Small groups of artists or individual artists within or outside the country have helped the movement in this manner. In the same way, religious groups, charitable organizations, and others have contributed.

Struggle has become an inexorable way of life. It cannot be stopped. And for this reason, it is an invulnerable movement -- a movement whose direction is tweaked in a climate of dialogue. In that respect, media outlets are incredibly important and the people who toil within digital media must be commended here. In circumstances in which we have no means, I recommend that greater attention be paid to such tools. This is a miracle that we have witnessed during and after the election. Given our current situation, we must use these tools. Such outlets allow us to connect individuals in order to create a massive, broad, and enduring movement.

One of the reasons for the durability of this movement is that it does not belong to any one group. It is a movement which is enmeshed with the goals, aspirations, and lives of the people. We don't want to say that this is the definitive interpretation of the Koranic verse, 'Place your homes as the qibla' (NB Direction of prayer, the Kaaba in Mecca), but it has inspired us. The people have allowed this movement to endure by turning to their vast social networks of individuals and small groups, in many of which we have a stake.

I think that clarifies the issue for you.

Interviewer:
I hope that we will have further opportunities to be with you and ask more questions--

Mir Hossein Mousavi:
I want to add one last point. I don't know whether we have enough time or not.

It is a sensitive point concerning your first question. As long as it is not accepted that there is a crisis and a problem in the country, as long as the majority of the people are called rioters, as long as the people are not taken into consideration, as long as the people's right to determine their own future is not respected, there will be no solution for the current problem. In the context of the second definition of national unity that we discussed and the actions of some individuals and groups on a political level to resolve the crisis, I believe that it must be ensured that the steps which are taken do not insult the people. The people are together, even those who have other opinions. We are the ones who create rifts among the people. Anyone who enters the scene must respect all the people and all of their views. We must return to the constitution and the principle of the sovereignty of the people. Then the solution to the crisis can be found quite easily.

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