Student criticizes Khamenei at official gathering

(photos of Wednesday's event courtesy khamenei.ir)

A lone student at a gathering of the country's academic elite took the unprecedented step of criticizing Leader Ali Khamenei in his presence on Wednesday morning, according to the Office for the Preservation and Publication of the Works of Grand Ayatollah Khamenei and opposition news sites.

The young man, initially called 'a mathematics student at Sharif University and a winner at the International Mathematics Olympiad' by Mowjeh Sabzeh Azadi, made his remarks after the official speakers had completed their speeches and before Khamenei was to make his address. The student has since been identified as Mahmoud Vahidnia. The gathering at Khamenei's complex in north Tehran preceded the 3rd National Conference of Young Elites.

Sharif University students news site reported that Vahidnia has been in the custody of the intelligence unit of the Revolutionary Guards since Thursday evening. The conservative Alef web site, run by Principlist lawmaker and head of the Majlis Research Center Ahmad Tavakoli, claimed yesterday that Vahidnia was not arrested and published an interview with the Sharif University student. Whatever the truth of the matter, it is interesting to note that Alef described Vahidnia as 'a young academic elite who courageously voiced some criticisms.'

Vahidnia spoke for close to 20 minutes despite the protests of some of the spectators. As Khamenei looked on, he critiqued the state radio and television networks; the stifling security climate surrounding the press; the inability to voice criticism against the Supreme Leader; and the power structure in the country embodied by the Guardian Council and the Assembly of Experts, according to Mowjeh Sabzeh Azadi.

The ambience at the gathering suggests that Khamenei did not expect the unscheduled speaker to voice such concerns, but that once the student had begun his criticism it would have been hard to silence him without loss of face in front of hundreds of the nation's academic elites. Khamenei has also played the part of a self-sacrificing innocent on past occasions, most famously at Tehran Friday Prayers, but his magnanimous calls of 'Well, if a few people want to attack me, let them' were always met with the wailing tears of the attendants.

Once he was at the lectern, the Sharif Univrsity student said that the previous speakers who had read from sheets of paper did not represent all the country's elites and that no one had elected them, said an individual who was present at the gathering. The eyewitness said that this first comment was greeted with applause.

Vahidnia denounced state radio-television's skewed coverage of the post-election events and the character assassination of popular figures. He reminded the participants that the head of the state media is named by the Supreme Leader. 'The radio and television networks operate under you and you name the head of the broadcaster. Either the broadcaster is acting this way according to your orders or you are not overseeing it,' said the student, according to the Voice of America. The Sharif University student also regretted the closure of opposition newspapers.

Vahidnia bluntly declared that the Leader should be open to criticism and that Khamenei's entourage had turned him into an idol, according to Mowjeh Sabzeh Azadi. An eyewitness at the event reported that the young man said, 'When you, who are a father figure, treat your opponents in a certain manner, lower-level officials display the kind of behavior that everyone knows about and everyone knows about what occurred in the prisons.'

The student added that the current power structure, including the Guardian Council and the Assembly of Experts, is detrimental to religious democracy.

Though regime and opposition sources diverge on some of the details, the account of the events published by the Office for the Preservation and Publication of the Works of Grand Ayatollah Khamenei, the Leader's personal archives, is extraordinary nonetheless.

student returns to seat'After the last person who was programmed to express his views, the participants awaited the words of the Leader of the Revolution, but he asked the master of ceremonies, "Is there anyone left among the friends who were supposed to speak?"' wrote Khamenei's office. The master of ceremonies responded, 'With your permission, every one of the thousand people here would like to talk,' to great laughter.

At this point, several students stood up and were asked to sit back down by the organizers of the ceremony. 'But the Leader pointed to one of those young people and said, "That gentleman who was standing and was forced to sit down... You go ahead,"' according to Khamenei's office.

'The young student stood up and began speaking. Since the Leader could not hear him, he came to the lectern and, after introducing himself, began his comments. His words had a different tone compared to the previous speeches.'

'Do our radio and television networks present a true picture of the world and our country, or a false and caricature-like picture?' Vahidnia asked. 'Does state radio-television allow different opinions to defend themselves? Opinions which are criticized and even attacked in this same media outlet? Does state radio-television quote individuals and describe events in an honest and fair manner?'

The student then turned to the topic of critiquing the Supreme Leader. 'I have been reading newspapers and magazines in a serious manner for four or five years. In all this time, I cannot remember reading one article which has criticized the Leadership. Critiques of the Leader can be voiced generally or expressed in particular in the Assembly of Experts,' the student said, according to Khamenei's office. 'I feel that if this does not happen, it will lead to discord and spite. For example, a simple critical observation, because it does not find the proper place to express itself, can become malicious and unfair.'

As he had been speaking for a long time, the student asked Khamenei if he could continue, according to the Leader's personal office.

But the eyewitness who was invited to the event said that the Sharif University student had been heckled by a few Basijis throughout his comments and that someone finally handed a piece of paper to Vahidnia. After reading the note, the young man turned to Khamenei and said that he had been told his time had run out and he asked to continue. The Basijis called out a prayer and told the student to 'finish it up.'

Khamenei responded however, 'I would like you to continue. Time had already run out earlier, but you go ahead.'

Vahidnia began speaking about the way security forces had confronted demonstrators after the election. 'If we had more convincing methods and did not employ violence except when necessary, would our regime not endure better? Would our people not be more united? Because I believe that true unity, more than something which is obtained through advice, is the result of the behavior of the people towards the government and the behavior of the government towards the people.'

Once the Sharif University student had finished, several individuals stood up in protest and asked to respond, according to Khamenei's web site. The eyewitness at the event said that the student was applauded enthusiastically.

'His very words show that criticism is possible,' said one participant, according to the ayatollah's office. The Leader said, 'Put this down to the lack of time and show tolerance. God willing, God will give us the capacity to understand properly, see properly, and speak properly.'

'It was now the host's turn, and everyone impatiently awaited the Agha's words or, to better describe it, his reaction,' said Khamenei's office, using the term which means sir or gentleman, and refers to the Leader. According to the eyewitness at the gathering, Khamenei appeared somewhat disconcerted and said that he had not wanted to talk about such issues and that he would have preferred to discuss scientific and academic topics.

'In these student and university events that take place here, when I see some people not express comments that they think I don't like out of regard or respect... I am upset when they are not uttered. I am absolutely not upset when they are uttered,' said Khamenei, according to his office. 'How I wish that the opportunity existed for these things to be said, so that one could bind those pages together and open the book of utterances, so that many truths could come to light.'

The Leader said that he was also dissatisfied with some of the actions of the state radio-television, but that, as ususal, he considered fairness to be the necessary condition for healthy criticism.

But in response to the student's question about the accuracy of the state media's portrayal of the country, Khamenei while agreeing with the criticism, turned it on its head and made the strange observation that, 'The picture is incomplete. There are many noteworthy and great advances that Iranian radio and television do not show. [...] If radio-television could properly reflect the truth in the country, in the same way that the television in this or that western country can portray lies as truth by employing great experience and through artistic exploitation, the young generation would have much greater devotion to its country, its religion, and the regime of the Islamic Republic.'

And Khamenei's response to the coverage of the election was equally equivocal. 'I'm dissatisfied with many of the programs of the [state radio-television.] I was not pleased that, from March and even before, there was television coverage of some of the election campaign trips, comments that were made, demonstrations that took place, and disputes that existed.' Many observers were amazed at the extraordinary openness of the media coverage of the presidential election campaign, which reached a climax with a series of unprecedented and heated debates between the candidates. Khamenei apparently regrets the lack of censorship during those few months.

As for criticism of the Supreme Leader, Khamenei said, 'I didn't say that no one should criticize me. I welcome criticism. And, of course, people do criticize. It is not the place to explain this point. There is criticism, much criticism, not a little criticism. I receive these and understand them.'

A Basiji stood up at this point and cried out that he would like to come up and kiss Khamenei's hand, said the eyewitness at the gathering. Khamenei pulled out his kerchief and left it for him, before disappearing behind the curtain at the rear of the stage. The elite had been told that Khamenei would lead a prayer at the end of the ceremony, but his hasty departure precluded that.

According to Mowjeh Sabzeh Azadi, Vahidnia was confronted by intelligence agents after the ceremony.

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Hated figure leaves Revolutionary Court as regime continues cosmetic facelift

Zareh Dehnavi, aka Haddad

A notorious judge has been dismissed and his department has been merged into the Revolutionary Court.

The departure of Judge Hassan Haddad, deputy prosecutor for security affairs, was announced by Hossein Lotfi, the new presiding judge of the Revolutionary Court, last week as he took over the reigns from Hojjatoleslam Assadollah Mobasheri.

Hassan Haddad had long been one of the key repressive tools of the regime within the judiciary. Shunning the limelight (the photo to the right is one of the rare ones of him and was released by the group Human Rights Activists of Iran), Haddad has tried to remain an enigmatic and behind-the-scenes figure. Even the name he has used for years is an alias. His real name is Hassan Zareh Dehnavi.

An interrogator/torturer in Evin prison in the 1980s, he was relieved of his functions in 1989 for 'financial misconduct' and 'questionable relations with several prisoners.' This did not prevent officials from transferring him to the Enforcement Staff of the Imam's Decree, a financial behemoth fronting as a foundation, as an inspector of confiscated property.

In the late 1990s, he became head of the 26th branch of the Revolutionary Court, in charge of trying drug and antiquities traffickers. He was given more sensitive cases, for example that of dissident journalist Akbar Ganji, towards the end of that decade. He was named deputy prosecutor for security affairs in 2006.

Most recently, he has been involved in the prosecution of seven Baha'is who face the death penalty on charges of spying for Israel. He is held responsible for the death in custody of Iranian-Canadian photographer Zahra Kazemi. He was involved in the prosecution of journalist Roxana Saberi, researcher Haleh Esfandiari, and Kian Tajbakhsh. Other cases that he directed include those against student leaders Ali Nikounesbati and Ali Azizi, striking workers of the Tehran transit company including the union's leader Mansour Osanlou, and newspaper editor Heshmatollah Tabarzadi.

As deputy prosecutor for security affairs, Haddad handled 'national security' cases, a catchall phrase used to prosecute anyone considered a threat to the regime. 'National security' cases, known as political cases in most of the world, fall under the jurisdiction of the Revolutionary Court.

Revolutionary Court Presiding Judge Hossein Lotfi had not announced Haddad's successor last week, an omission which had puzzled observers. However, newly-appointed Tehran Prosecutor Jafari Dolatabadi said at a ceremony yesterday that the deputy prosecutor for security affairs' office would be merged into the General and Revolutionary Prosecutor's Office.

Hadded had been the deputy of another hated judicial figure, former Tehran Prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi, who was also recently dismissed. Mortazavi however was reassigned as Deputy Prosecutor General, a relative promotion which many analysts viewed as a way to sideline him at a desk job with no influence over the prosecution of defendants. Judge Haddad's new functions have not been declared.

The regime has replaced many figures linked to the recent crackdown and the repression of the past decade. But the steps appear to be cosmetic and have not affected the repressive tilt of the Islamic Republic. If anything, the moves seem to be geared towards streamlining the regime. For example, Basij commander Hassan Taeb was recently moved from the command of the Basij forces to that of the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) intelligence unit, which many analysts believe is fast replacing the civilian- and Majlis-controlled Intelligence Ministry as the country's most powerful security body. Taeb was subsequently replaced at the Basij by IRGC General Mohammad Reza Naghdi, no less of a zealot than Taeb, but with the advantage of being relatively unknown to the general public. The Basij has now been merged into the ground forces of the IRGC.

The changes at the Revolutionary Court notwithstanding, protesters continue to be sentenced to death, the execution of juvenile offenders are railroaded through the judiciary, and dozens of political prisoners still languish in prison without access to their lawyers. And this week, Prosecutor General Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei even went so far as to say in an interview that opposition leaders Mehdi Karroubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi would soon be brought to justice.

It's in the mail: Date for presenting official report on post-election abuse is postponed... again

Farhad Tajari

The final report on 'post-election events' will not be delivered this week, according to a member of the special committee set up to investigate violations that occurred during the regime's crackdown. The presentation of the report has already been postponed twice.

Farhad Tajari, a member of the special committee looking into post-election events and the Kahrizak detention center, told the Iranian Labor News Agency (ILNA) on Monday that he could not give a date for the presentation of his group's final report. 'Some new facts have come to light and we must look into them before we are able to offer our report,' he said. Tajari is also a key member of the Majlis judiciary committee.

On Saturday Hamid Reza Katouzian, Majlis representative from Tehran and another member of the special investigative committee, told Parleman News, the news site of the Imam Line Faction of the Majlis, that pressure was being exerted on the group. 'This committee must not surrender to the pressure and must present a comprehensive report to the Majlis,' he said.

Hamid Reza Katouzian

Katouzian, a conservative Principlist lawmaker, has been a vocal critic of the government's actions. In early August, he was one of the few official voices to clearly state that abuse at Kakrizak detention center had led to the deaths of jailed protesters and he placed the responsibility squarely on the shoulders of then National Police Chief Esmail Ahmadi Moghaddam. Ahmadi Moghaddam claimed at the time that no one had died at Kahrizak and 'only three individuals had succumbed to disease' after their release.

'The report was supposed to have been completed last month, but the meetings were never held,' Katouzian said to Parleman News. 'No meetings were convened and we were unable to review the progress of the rapporteurs.'

Asked whether there was any resistance to the completion of the report, Katouzian stated, 'It is possible to speculate that they are preventing some information from being gathered, but I believe that this committee must carry out its duties and produce a report.'

A month ago, a member of the special committee who wished to remain anonymous told Parleman News, 'It has been established that certain prisoners [in Kahrizak] were raped with batons and bottles.' He added, 'If the report is completed, we will present it to the Majlis Speaker and senior figures of the regime.'

On Saturday, Katouzian said in his interview, 'We are waiting for Mr. Aboutorabi, who is in charge of convening this committee, to call a meeting.' Hojjatoleslam Mohammad Hassan Aboutorabi Fard is the Majlis's Deputy Speaker.

According to the Norouz news site, Deputy Prosecutor General Saeed Mortazavi has been pulling strings to prevent the report from being read by the Majlis. Mortazavi, who was Tehran Prosecutor at the time of the most serious human rights violations, would be in the line of fire if the abuses were ever prosecuted.

At least two Majlis representatives, three according to some accounts, were also allegedly involved in the crimes that took place in Karizak. This blog will not publish their identities as it is unclear whether the names that have been circulating are truly those of the culprits or whether they are a part of a disinformation campaign led by the real perpetrators.

In another interview, Farhad Tajari told Mehr news service that he and two other special committee members -- Parviz Sorouri and Kazem Jalali -- had met with the judiciary's special committee on abuse claims on Monday with a view to finalizing their report.

The judiciary's special committee is made up of  Prosecutor General Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei, Deputy Judiciary Chief Ebrahim Raisi, and judicial adviser Ali Khalafi. This committee famously denied all of Mehdi Karroubi's claims concerning the rape of prisoners several weeks ago and it is unclear how they would contribute to this report.

Ahmadinejad gets a Shiraz welcome

A group of young Shirazis chanted slogans against Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as they walked down one of their city's main thoroughfares, Mulla Sadra Avenue, yesterday evening.



Ahmadinejad gave the opening speech for the National Hafez Day ceremony at the beloved 14th-century poet's mausoleum in Shiraz earlier on Monday.

(video courtesy of NedaSoltan's channel on YouTube)

Our sticks and stones will break your bones, but your words really hurt us: 'My life only for Iran' slogan enrages regime officials

Ali Larijani

Majlis Speaker Ali Larijani has strongly condemned the alternate slogans chanted by protesters at official events organized by the regime in support of Palestinians three weeks ago.

Speaking at the dedication ceremony of Martyr Motahari's Scientific and Cultural Foundation in the holy city of Ghom yesterday, Larijani took the green opposition to task for deviating from the regime's official slogans on Ghods Day. Ghods Day or Jerusalem Day is an annual event organized by the regime to support Palestinians and to denounce Israeli policies.

'Do slogans and topics like an "Iranian Republic" bring honor to Iran?' Larijani asked rhetorically. On Ghods Day and in previous demonstrations, protesters have chanted 'Neither western, nor eastern, an Iranian Republic' in stark contrast to a similar phrase which ended in 'Islamic Republic' in the heyday of the revolution 30 years ago.

This year Ghods Day fell on Friday, September 18, and became a focal point for opposition to the regime as the green movement exploited the official marching routes for its own demonstrations. Despite warnings from then-Basij commander Hossein Taeb and Revolutionary Guards chief Aziz Jafari, protesters turned up in huge numbers in Tehran, Shiraz, Isfahan, Tabriz and other cities. Estimates for Tehran run between 1.5 to two million people. (For a live blog of Ghods Day, go here).

The greens refused to utter slogans such as 'Death to Israel' and 'Death to America' which have become mainstays of the Islamic regime. Instead, exhibiting billboards marked 'Palestine is here' or holding up photos of dead protesters, they took possession of some official routes by marching to shouts of 'Death to Russia' and, most notably, 'Neither Gaza, nor Lebanon, I give my life only for Iran,' which became the rallying cry of the day. Opponents fault Russia for supporting the regime and it is widely believed that Moscow has trained and aided security and intelligence forces involved in the crackdown of the past months.

'I am amazed that those who have suffered for the revolution and are concerned about the honor of this revolution remained silent in the face of such slogans and acts and [...] did not stop these people,' said Majlis Speaker Larijani. 'Such slogans tarnish the honor of Islam,' said Larijani, apparently having forgotten his pocket thesaurus at home and employing the word honor or ezzat for the umpteenth time to convey the force of his ideas.

In many cases security forces and regime supporters were overwhelmed by the number of green protesters. In one instance, demonstrators attacked a group of plainclothesmen who were beating individuals on the street and set their motorcycles on fire:


In his speech in Ghom, Larijani indirectly stressed the importance of the Israeli-Palestinian issue as one of the pillars of the Islamic regime. 'In these difficult times, Iran, in its struggle against the United States, must be the defender of the rights of the Palestinian people and other oppressed Muslim people,' said Larijani. He did not mention the Uighurs in China or the Chechens in the Russian Federation. 'The country's political independence [...] depends on defending and following the Supreme Leader of the revolution and the concept of the guardianship of the jurisprudent,' Larijani contended. In Larijani's analysis, this devotion and unity was in short supply on Ghods Day.

In addition to the thousands of security forces deployed around Iran's major cities on that day, dozens of mobile sound units on trucks were also sent among the demonstrators. But the voices of official chant-masters standing on the backs of the vehicles were drowned out by the deafening counter-slogans of the protesters.

In spectacular footage filmed from a pedestrian overpass, an impressive number of green protesters overpower the usual calls of 'Death to Israel' and 'Death to America' with 'Death to Russia.' A feeble cortege of regime supporters walks past on the other side of the street, before the protesters scream out 'Neither Gaza, nor Lebanon, I give my life only for Iran' and 'Neither western, nor eastern, an Iranian Republic.'


As early as 10:30 AM, a massive group in Hafteh Tir Square responded to 'Death to Israel' with 'Death to Russia':


After several unsuccessful attemps to get the crowd to repeat 'Death to America' instead of their own heartfelt 'Death to Russia,' one flustered chant-master mistakenly said 'Death to Palestine' to loud cheers and laughter:


Another popular slogan was 'Putin, Chavez, Nasrallah, the enemies of our nation', referring to the Russian prime minister, Venezuelan president, and Lebanon's Hezbollah head:


Larijani is not the only official to have been distressed by the alternate chants on Ghods Day. In a letter to former President Mohammad Khatami and Mir Hossein Mousavi, Ahmad Tavakoli, conservative Malis representative from Tehran, demanded that the opposition leaders clearly state their position on such contrary slogans. If you agree with such slogans, 'how will you answer to the Imam,' he asked, alluding to the late founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

Mohsen Ghara'ati

In a television program on the occasion of Eid Fitr, the celebration marking the end of Ramadan, Hojjatoleslam Mohsen Ghara'ati opined, 'Do you know what "neither Gaza, nor Lebanon" means? It means no to the Koran.'

Ghara'ati, head of the national organization for promoting prayer and a Koranic teacher on televised shows, said that Iranians must extend their concerns to all the oppressed in the world. 'Did we not recite those prayers [for the deprived] during the month of Ramadan?' he asked. 'And then on the last Friday of Ramadan, 5 people, or 100 people, or 1,000 people, or 20,000, or however many more people come and say "only Iran"? So were all our prayers just lies?'